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WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 



CELEBRATIOX AT 



THE COOPER INSTITUTE. 



UNDER THE AL'SPTCES OF THE 



SIT^CES 



UNION DEFENCE COMMITTEE. 



SPEECHES, RESOLUTIONS, &c. 




N E VV - Y R K : 
GEORGE F. NESBITT & CO., PRINTERS, 

CORNER OF PEARL AND PINE STS. 
1862. 



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fNleW York, 'y\{ov\ detehL-*. co'nn, 

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WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 



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CELEBRATION AT 



THE COOPER INSTITUTE, 



UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE 



UNION DEFENCE COMMITTEE. 



SPEECHES, RESOLUTIONS, &c. 




NEW-YORK : 
GEORGE F. NESBITT & CO., PRINTERS, 

CORNER OF PEARL AND PINE STS. 
1862. 






REPORTED BY 

A. F. WARBURTON, Stenographer, 

117 Nassan-Street. 



PRELIMINAEY PROCEEDOGS. 



Union Defence Committee 

OF THE Citizens of New-York, 

New-York, February l^th, 1862. 

At a meeting of the Committee held this day, the Vice-Chairman presiding, the 
following Preamble and Resolutions were unanimously adopted. 

The Union Defence Committee, acting for their fellow-citizens of New-York 
in the expression of love of country and devotion to its institutions, and regard- 
ing it alike a privilege and a duty to follow with their hopes and words of 
encouragement the progress of the loyal forces, naval and military, now engaged 
in suppressing rebellion and upholding the flag of the Union ; do hereby 

resolve- 
First. That the cheering accounts of the success of our gallant officers, 
soldiers and seamen in the brilliant operations of the war, call for the cordial 
congratulations of every loyal citizen, and an expression of grateful thanks to 
the brave men engaged in this patriotic duty, for the burdens they have borne, 
the dangers they have encountered, the blood they have shed, the skill and 
bravery they have shown in every conflict by land or sea ; and for the enduring 
lustre which their deeds of heroism and their forbearance in the hour of victory, 
have thrown upon the American name and character. 

Second. That the Navy has manifested its skill, bravery, and patriotism in the 
following instances, namely : 

The capture of the Hatteras Forts. 

The conquest of the defences of Port Royal. 

The successful bombardment of Fort Henry. 

The capture of Roanoke Island. 

And that the names of Stringham, Dupont, Foote and Goldsborough, confer 
distinction on the rolls of the American Navy. 

Third. That the Army has won enduring renown in the following conflicts, 
namely : 

The battle of Philippi in Virginia. 

The battles of Booneville and BrierForks in Missouri, under Lyon. 

The successes of McClellan in Virginia. 

ITie gallant defence of Lexington by Mulligan. 



The cliarge of Zagonyi at Springfield. 
The capture of an insurgent force by Pope, in Missouri. 
The victory of Dranesviilein Virginia. 
The total rout of Marshall by Colonel Garfield in Kentucky. 
The brilliant successes at Mill Spring in Kentucky, under Thomas. 
And the crowning triumph in the storming of the works at Roanoke, and the 
capture of the rebel array of North Carolina by Burnside. 

Fourth. That the gallant conduct and noble devotion to country, evinced in 
these and other conflicts, reflect the highest honor on the commanding officers 
and on the forces engaged. 

Fifth. That the citizens of New-York have reason to feel proud and happy in 
reflecting on the heroism shown by the soldiers they have assisted to place in the 
field, and that they will hold in grateful recollection the services of Hawkins and 
Ferrero ; of Betts and Potter ; of Kimball and LeGendre ; and the gallant 
Ninth and Fifty-first regiments, led by them in the storming of Roanoke. 

Sixth. That in placing this record on their minutes, the Union Defence Com- 
mittee desire to share with Indiana and Rhode Island in the glory and honor 
which attaches to the name of Burnside, illustrated equally in the triumph over 
difficulties and in the con(iuest of arms. 

Seventh. ITiat acknowledgments and congratulations to those who have been 
spared to witness the triumph of the national arms, must not be unaccompanied 
by a grateful tribute to the memory of the fallen in battle. The glory of Lyon 
and Baker and Ellsworth is imperishable. Upon the same page illustrated by 
these names, will appear those of the gallant Russell and of the chivalrous 
DeMonteil. Lives given to the country on the field of battle in the cause of 
liberty, do not pass away ; they survive in the hearts of the Nation, and are 
treasured as the richest possessions of a free people. 

Eighth. That this Committee recognize in the recent exhibitions of loyal 
feeling in the South-Western States, and on the Southern Sea-Coast, the strongest 
evidence which can be given of the declining fortunes of rebellion ; and as fur- 
nishing, in connection with recent successes of the army and navy, the surest 
indications of a speedy triumph of the cause of the Constitution and the Union. 

Ninth. That copies of these proceeding be transmitted to the President, the 
Departments of War and the Navy, and published. 

[Extract from the Minutes.] 

S. DRAPER, 

Vice-Chairman. 
P. M. Wetmoke, 

Secretary, pro tern. 



Union Defence Committee of the Citizens of New-York, | 
New-York, February 11th, 1862. J 

At a special meeting of the Committee, held this day, the Vice-ChairmaD 
presiding, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

1st. Resolved, That in further acknowledgment of the loyal and gallant con- 
duct of the Union forces, now engaged in suppressing rebellion, this Committee 
desire to express their admiration of the strategic skill of the commanding gene- 
rals, the determined ardor and dashing bravery of the officers, soldiers and sea- 
men engaged in the investment, assault and capture of Fort Donelsou, on the 
Cumberland River, in Tennessee. 

2d. Resolved, That the public heart of the country overflows with gi-atitude 
to the heroic men, who have added a new glory to our national annals. 

3d. Resolved, That the memory of the patriots who have maintained the 
national honor at the sacrifice of their lives, becomes a sacred trust of a grateful 
country ; and that the wounded and suffering defenders of the Union are en- 
titled to the sympathy of all who appreciate the principles of loyal duty and de- 
voted patriotism. 

4th. Resolved, With a view to give public expression of the grateful sense 
entertained by the people in regard to the recent successes of the national arms, 
this Committee recommend that the citizens of New-York, Brooklyn and vicini- 
ty, be invited to assemble in Mass Meeting, on the anniversary of the day made 
illustrious by the birth of Washington, the 22d of February, inst. 

5th. Resolved, That a Select Committee be appointed to make the necessary 
arrangements for the meeting, and to give public notice of the time and place ; 
and that his Honor the Mayor be requested to preside. 
[Extract from the minutes.] 

S. DRAPER, Vice-Chair man. 
P. M. Wetmore, Secretary pro tern. 

The Committee of Arrangements was constituted as follows : 

Hamilton Fish, Simeon Draper, Chairman. 

George Opdyke, Robert T. Haws, 

M. H. Grinnell, a. a. Low, 

John A. Dix, James Wadsworth, 

A. C. Richards, R. M. Blatchford, 

Isaac Bell, Samuel Sloan, 

Charles H. Russell, John J. Astor, Jr., 

William jNI. Kvarts, Charles H. Marshall, 

Edwards Pierrepont, Alexander T. Stewart, 

Robert H. McCurdy, R. A. Witthaus, 
Prosper M. Wetmore, Secretary. 

Note. — Major-General Dix, Brigadier-General Wadsworth. and Colonel Astor 
were absent, being in the discharge of military duties in the field. Governor 
Fish was also absent, at Washington, on public duty. 



MASS MEETING. 



Tlie mass meeting of the citizens of New- York, Brooklyn, and 
vicinity, was lield at the Cooper Institute, in tlie city of New- 
York, on Saturday, February 22d, 1862, at seven o'clock P. M. 

The following report of the proceedings is taken from the New- 
York Daily Times^ of the 2-lth of February : — 

The enthusiasm of the day seemed to cuhninate at the mass meeting, held in 
Cooper Institute, in the evening, under the auspices of the Union Defence Com- 
mittee. The platform was decorated with the Stars and Stripes, festooned 
around oil-paintings of Washington, Jackson, Jefferson and Lincoln. An excel- 
lent band enlivened the proceedings. Soon as the doors were opened, the hall 
became densely crowded. While awaiting the hour named for opening the exer- 
cises, Gen. Wetmore announced, that he would encourage the audience with the 
information that Gen. Scott was in the building. This intelligence was received 
with a storm of applause, which reached the climax of excitement when the 
brave veteran made his appearance, leaning on the arm of Ex-Governor Fish. 

The audience rose and gave expression to their welcome and delight, by waving 
of hats and handkerchiefs, and by cheer upon cheer — the band playing 
'• Hail to the Chief." Among the large attendance of leading citizens on the 
platform, we observed his Honor Mayor Opdyke, Hon. Hamilton Fish, Hon. 
Henry J. Raymond, Wm. ]M. Evarts, Simeon Draper, Ex-Judge Pierrepont, 
Alexander T. Stewart, Charles H. Marshall, Robert T. Haws, R. A. Witthaus, 
Benjamin R. Winthrop William G. Lambert, <fcc. 

Ex-Governor Fish called the meeting to order, and said — 

Fellow-citizens, — We are assembled, on the invitation of the 
Union Defence Committee, to commemorate the birthday of 
WASHiNGTOiSr, [cheers,] and also to celebrate the recent brilliant 
achievements of our military and naval forces in support and 
maintenance of that Government, that Constitution, and that 
Union, which WASHINGTON founded. [Cheers.] I will nominate 
as President of this meeting, our Mayor, George Opdyke. 

This nomination was received with unbounded applause. The 
Vice-Presidents were then nominated by Hon. Simeon Drajjer, 
as follows : — 



OFFICERS OF THE MASS MEETING, 

Called by the Union Defence Committee, 
IP E B ]R TJ ^^ R 'ST 23d, 1863, 



PRESIDENT. 

HON. GEORGE OPDYKE, 31aijor. 



VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

President of the Board of Alder 

MEN. 

President of the Board of Council 

MEN, 

President of the Board of Super- 

TISORS, 

Commissioners of Emigration, 
Mayor of the City of Brooklyn, 
William B. Astor, 



Hamilton Fish, 
Moses Taylor, 
Simeon Draper. 
Edwards Pierrepont, 
William M. Evarts, 
Alex. T. Stewart, 
George Bancroft, 
Hiram Barney, 
Pelatiah Perit, 
Richard M. Blatchford, 
Charles H. Marshall, 
Charles H. Russell, 
Greene C. Bronson, 
John D. Wolf, 
Royal Phelps, 
A. A. Low, 
James Boorman, 
Isaac Bell, 
William E. Dodge, 
Samuel Sloan, 
Moses H. Grinnell, 
John J. Cisco, 
Henry C. Murphy, Brooklyn, 



Justices of the Supreme Court, 

Judges of Superior Court, 

Judges of the Court of Com'n Pleas, 

Judge Betts, U. S. District Court, 

Justice Shipman, U. S. Circuit Court, 

Robert T. Haws, 

William F. Havemeyer, 

William T. Coleman, 

J. Carson Brevoort, Brooklyn. 

R. H. McCurdy, 

James T. Brady, 

Henry E. Pierrepont, Brooklyn, 

Frederick Bronson, 

George S. Robbins, 

George S. Coe, 

C. R. Robert, 

Wm. Whitlock, Jr., 

Wm. G Lambert, 

Eli White, 

Joseph Lawrence, 

Denning Duer, 

Cyrus P. Smith, 

Walden Pell, 

Benjamin R. Winthrop, 

James Gallatin, 

George T. Elliott, 

David Dudley Field, 

Samuel B. Ruggles, 

Daniel Detlin, 

A. P. Halsey, 

Valentine Mott, M. D., 

John Loyd. 



8 



R. A. WiTTHAUS, 

John 0. Green, 

Joseph VV^alker, 

0. D. F. Grant, 

Hugo Wesendonck, 

Marshall 0. Roberts, 

John A. King, 

Theodore Polhemus, Brooklyn, 

A. E. Silliman, 

James M. White, 

William Curtis Noyes, 

Abram Wakeman, 

W. H. Van Beuren, M. D., 

George F. Thomae, Brooklyn, 

George B. De Forrest, 

RuFus F. Andrews, 

J. N. A. Griswold, 

Marshall Lefferts, 

John A. Stevens, 

Daniel Embury, Brooklyn, 

Benj. F. Manierre, 

Wm. B. Crosby, 

Aaron Vanderpoel, 

Daniel Lord, 

Francis B. Cutting, 

Peter Cooper, 

W. W. De Forest, 

Luther Bradish, 

Morris Ketchum, 

E. Delafield Smith, 
Robert B. Minturn, 
William Barton, 

J. K. Pell, 
Shepherd Knapp, 

F. S. Winston. 
William A. Booth, 
Stewart Brown, 
George Griswold, Jr., 
Edwards W. Fisk, Brooklyn, 
James W. Maitland, 
Charles R. Lynde, 

RuFUS L. Lord, 
C. H. Sand, 
Joseph Sampson, 
John Bridge, 
Richard Berry, 

J. J. WoOLSEY, 



J. Q. Jones, 

Seth B. Hunt, 

Henry Maxwell, 

William C. Wetmoke, 

George Tieman, 

Joseph Hoxie, 

S. B. Chittenden, 

W. H. Aspinwai.l, 

Edward Vonderheydt, 

Jacob A. Westeryelt, 

Robert C. Goodhue, 

Elie Charlier, 

James Benkard, 

James Barnes, 

George Dennison, 

William B. Taylor, 

Samuel Wetmore, 

Henry C. De Rham, 

Arthur Benson, Brooklyn, 

Samuel T. Skidmore, 

Robert Murray, 

George R. Jackson, 

John Caswell, 

Robert Bayard, 

Abraham B. Baylis, Brooklyn, 

J. H. Pinkney, 

John Steward. 

Egbert Benson, 

C. V. S. Roosevelt, 

Edwin Croswell, 

Peter Lorillard, 

W. S. Herriman, Brooklyn, 

Isaac Henderson, 

WiLLARD Parker, M. D., 

William C. Gilman, 

William A. Kobbe, 

Francis Lieber 

Adrian Iselin, 

Jonathan Sturoes, 

L H. Frothingham, Brooklyn, 

T. H. Faile, 

Lorillard Spencer, 

William Watson, 

J. F. D. Lanier, 

Joseph Battell, 

C. Godfrey Gunther, 

W. A. Haines, 



Leopold Bierwith, 

JOSKPH W. AlSOP, 

James ANDERso^f, M. D., 

Jacob Windmuller, 

Hiram Walbridge, 

Benjamin D. Silliman, Brooklyn, 

Edwin J. Brown, 

John Wadsworth, 

Simeon Baldwin, 

James Pcnnett, 

T. B. Satterthwaite, 

John Raymond, 

gustavus h. witthaus, 

Charles Gould, 

W. H. Hays, 

Frederick A. Coe, Yonkers, 

Robert L. Stuart, 

W. H. Johnson, 

Richard Schell, 

David Hoadley, 

Robert S. Hone, 

W. V. Brady, 

Daniel F. Tiemann, 

H. W. T. Mali, 

George W. Blunt, 

Robert L. Maitland, 

Merritt Trimble, 

Gustav Schwab, 

Edward Learned, 

Elliot C. Cowdin, 

D. Henry Haight, 

Henry A. Smythe, 

Samuel D. Babcock, 

Oliver S. Strong, 

Charles A. Macy, 

Oswald Ottendorffer, 

A.. C. Kingsland, 

A. C. Richards, 
GuLiAN C. Verplanck, 
Augustus Schell, 
James Lenox, 

W. Allen Butler, 
David S. Coddington, 
Eleazar Parmly, 
George B. Butler, 
T. B. Stuxman, 

B. E. Morgan, 

2 



Abraham S. Hewitt, 

Eugene S. Ballin, 

WiLLET Seaman, 

Charles W. Sandford, 

John H. Swift, 

Erastus C. Benedict, 

James B. Nicholson, 

Nathaniel Hayden, 

Jeremiah Burns, Yonkers, 

George H. Moore, 

S. S. Wyckoff, 

E. V. Haughwout, 

R. H. Green, 

John E. Williams, 

Morris Franki^in, 

D. C. Kingsland, 

William H. Webb, 

Cyrus W. Field, 

George Folsom, 

Frederic De Peyster, 

Edward Cooper, 

John J. Phelps, 

Henry Chauncey, 

Clarence A. Seward, 

Samuel P. Williams, 

Henry K. Bogert, 

George P. Putnam, 

Abraham M. Cozzens, 

Alfred Colvill, 

Nathaniel McCready, 

J. D. p. Ogden, 

Walter S. Griffith, 

A. Gracie King, 

Charles W. Elliott, 

Arthur Leary, 

Frederick Kapp, 

Henry A. Hurlbut, 

George Bliss, Jr., 

Theodore L. Mason, M. D., Brooklyn, 

Luther C. Clark, 

N. B. Palmer, 

John D. Jones, 

George F. Nesbitt, 

Robert L. Kennedy, 

James J. Roosevelt, 

Benjamin H. Button, 

Hiram Ketchum. 



10 



J. Smith Homans, 
Shei'i-ard Gandv, 
Joiix J. White, 
Sami'el Blatchford, 
J. Howard Williams, 
A. GuERiiKR, Brooklyn, 
Andrew Warner, 
David Adee, 
Edward A. Wetmore, 
Charles Steinway, 
W. H. L. Barnes, 
Wm. L. Ellsworth, 
John K. Meyers, 
William Aifermann, 



SECRETARIES. 

Edward C. Bogert, 
John H. Drai'er, 
Robert B. Mintirn, Jr., 
Frank Moore, 
A. M. Palmer, 
"William Bond, 
Frank W. Ballard, 
Hamlin Blake, 
Richard A. McCurdy, 
Nathaniel Coles, 
John H. Almy, 
Henry H. Elliott, Jr., 
George E. Strong, 
G. W. Benson, Brooklyn, 



COPY OF INVITATION TO GUESTS. 

Union Defence Committee of the Citizens of New-York, ) 
New- York. February iHth, 1862. j 

Sir: 

This Committee have invited a Mass fleeting of the citizens to assemble at 
two o'clock, P. :M., on Satm-day, the 22d of February instant, to commemorate 
the Birth of Washington, and in honor of the recent brilliant successes of the 
Union forces engaged in suppressing rebellion. 

The undersigned have been instructed to request the honor of your presence 
on the occasion. 

With sentiments of high respect, 

Your obedient servants, 

HAMILTON FISH, Chairman. 
SIMEON DRAPER, Vicc-Chairman. 

WILLIAM M. EVARTS, Secretary. 

Attest, P. M. WETMORE, 

Secretary Committee of Arrangements. 



11 

Mayor Opdyke said : 

Ladies and Gendeynen, — It lias been my pleasing duty, in my 
official capacity, to-day, to join in another great meeting, celebrat- 
ing this Anniversar}' of tlie Birthday of the Father of his Conntry, 
and in celebrating, also, the glorious victories which our military 
and naval forces have recently achieved. On that occasion, I ven- 
tured to utter a few sentiments, which are uppermost in my mind 
at present, but I will not detain you with a repetition of them. 
We are here at the invitation of the Union Defence Committee — a 
semi-official body of exalted citizens, who have reason to feel 
proud of the part they have taken in meeting this infamous re- 
bellion, (cheers,) and they have a right to ask us to rejoice with 
them at the prospect of its speedy overthrow. I will now intro- 
duce to you Judge Pierrepont, who will read the Farewell Address 
of "Washington. 

The Farewell Address was heard with reverend attention 
throughout, interrupted onl}-^ by applause at those passages which 
inculcated, particularly, obedience to the established government, 
and jealousy of foreign interference. 

JUDGE PIERREPONT'S SPEECH. 

At the conclusion of the Address, Judge Pierrepont con- 
tinued : 

How like a prophet's words come back these voices from the 
dead ! It is well that Washington did not live to see this day, 
when his children are madly striving to pull down the sacred 
Temple of Liberty which he reared. [Applause.] We meet to 
commemorate the birth of that great man. We also meet to cele- 
brate our recent brilliant victories. But some sorrow mingles with 
our joy, that these victories are not victories over a foreign foe, 
but over our own misguided rebel countrymen. We may, never- 
theless, rejoice that these are victories over the foes of human 
liberty, and over foes to the progress of the human race. 'Tis true 
that when Washington lived, he held some fellow-men in bond- 
age, but it should ever be remembered, that before he died, he so 
provided that in the hour when his great spirit returned to God, who 



12 

gave it, the chains fell from his slaves like the chains of St. Peter, 
at the angel's touch. [Cheers.] But, fellow-citizens, this is not a 
simple war about negro slavery. It is a battle between two great 
contending principles, which have ever disturbed the world. It is 
now a great death-struggle between Tyranny and Freedom, between 
Despotism and Liberty. [Applause.] Hence the foreign sym- 
pathy with our foes ; hence the hate of the jealous, selfish, perfidi- 
ous tyrants of England ; hence the coldness of Imperial France, 
and of despotic Spain ; hence the hostility of every foreign crown 
— save only the noble, far-seeing, progressive, friendly Czar — God 
bless him, forever ! [Enthusiastic cheers.] But, fellow-citizens, 
this great war of contending principles is not over yet. 

You that have burned for opportunity, in this great conflict, to 
earn a patriot's crown, will not cease — 

" Nor think the victory wou, 
Nor once at ease sit down ; 
Thy arduous work will not be done 
Till thou hast got thy crown." 

To end this great conflict, to put down this terrible rebellion, so 
that it shall never raise its gory head again, will not be done with- 
out a desperate struggle. We mean to end it now. [Cheers.] We 
have left our peaceful employments ; we have given up, for the 
time, our love of luxury and our love of gold, and we have 
returned to the first love of our fathers — the love of Liberty. 
[Applause.] We are in this war — we did not seek it — and, God 
willing, we will not leave it till rebels shall whisper to their 
children that rebellion against the long-suffering, forbearing, indul- 
gent Government of the generous, brave, and loyal people of these 
United States is a dangerous and a fearful thing. And, trusting 
in the Lord, we will so fight this battle that, through the fire and 
the blood of sacrifice, our whole country shall be purified, and 
redeem the hope and glory of the world. [Cheers.] To inspire 
our minds with steadier and more determined zeal, and our hearts 
with loftier and holier patriotism, would that I could call up, 
palpable to your sight, the serious, benignant, warning shade of 
the immortal Washington. But as that cannot be, a living pa- 
triot of undying fame I present — Lieut. Gen. Scott. 



13 

[Again was the hero of Mexico made to feel what a warm place 
he retains in the hearts of his countrymen. The whole audience 
rose and greeted him witli cheer upon cheer.] 

ADDRESS OP WM. M. EVARTS. 

Mr. EvARTS was introduced, and received with warm applause. 
He said : 

Mr. President^ — On behalf of the Committee instructed to pre- 
pare and present resolutions on this occasion, I have the honor to 
read the following 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved, That the citizens of New-York and its vicinity, in mass meeting 
assembled, record anew their reverential gratitude to the Giver of all good, for 
the great inheritance of Liberty, Independence and Union, which we have re- 
ceived from the courage, the wisdom and the virtue of heroic ancestors, and cele- 
brate with ever-growing joy and pride the day which, in giving birth to Washington, 
gave promise of the immeasurable benefits to his own and all future generations 
which his great life and character were to achieve [Cheers.] 

Resolved, That the constituted liberties of this nation rest upon the princi- 
ciples which the life of Washington was spent in establishing, and which his 
farewell words of warning and instruction have impressed upon the hearts of his 
countrymen ; that the momentous experience through which the nation is now 
passing, displays in characters of living light the imperishable truth, that to us 
and our posterity the Union is the sure protector of liberty and peace among 
ourselves, of power and peace with other nations. [Applause.] 

Resolved, That we meet on this recurrence of the birthday of Washington, 
with hearts full of profound gratulation that the lessons of his life and character 
have not been lost upon his countrymen of this generation ; with hearts full of 
the purpose and the hope that these lessons shall be transmitted to our pos- 
terity, enforced and illuminated by new examples of the same heroic patriotism, 
the same civil prudence, and the same prosperous fortune which marked his great 
career. [Applause.] 

Resolved, That the war of the Constitution against civil treason and military 
rebellion, which now engages all the loyal strength and resources of the nation, 
is but to uphold, confirm and perpetuate what the war of the Revolution wrought 
out and established ; and the soldiers and statesmen who bear well their part in 
the toils and sacrifices of the conflict of this day, are treading in the footsteps of 
heroic ancestors, and shall share their great renown. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 



14 

Resolved, That we will submit to no division of tlie illustrious fame of Wash- 
ixcTON, nor shall its radiance be shut in to narrower boundaries than our whole 
country ; and we pledge anew our lives and our fortunes to the destruction, root 
and branch, of that conspiracy which has added to its crime against the nation's 
life, the sacrilege of desecrating the birthday of Washington by the inauguration 
of its pretended government. [Loud applause.] 

Resolved, That we oifer the heartiest tribute of our admiration and our grati- 
tude to the courage, fortitude and constancy of our soldiers, to the braveiy and 
conduct of our officers in the field, and to the genius and skill of the commanders 
who have planned the vigorous and efficient movements of our forces ; and in the 
valor and skill of the officers and .seamen of our navy, on the Ocean, the Gulf 
and the Rivers, we feel an e(iual pride. [Prolonged cheering,] 

Resolved, That the brilliant and important successes of our arms, by land 
and by water, on the sea-ljoard and in the West, which make glad the hearts of 
the people, have touched the vital strength of the rebellion, and should be fol- 
lowed up, without delay, or truce or armistice, until the last rebel shall lay down 
his arms. [Loud applause.] 

Resolved, That we assure the Government that the hearts of tlie people are 
prepared for every burden and every sacrifice that a bold, a rapid and an earnest 
conduct of this war to a successful close may reijuire, and that, appreciating and 
applauding every act of vigor and decision in the Cabinet and in the field, we 
pronn'se a firm, a faithful, an enduring support to every measure for the re-estab- 
lishment of the Constitution over all our land. [Cheers.] 

Mr. President, (continued Mr. Evarts,) ladies and gentlemen, 
before submitting for your adoption the resolutions which have 
been read, I have been desired, by the Committee of Arrangements, 
to say a few words on the general subjects that attract the atten- 
tion of all of us, and in respect of which you needs must anticipate 
almost all it is possible for me to sa}*. We have noticed that, as 
the country was approaching, somewhat unconsciously, the terrible 
ordeal to which it is now subjected, the minds of men have turned 
with new ahection and enthusiasm to the name and the memory 
of Washington ; and this, his birthday, has come to be, as it is, 
the only holiday that the nation keeps, except the birthday of the 
nation itself — the Fourth of July. [Cheers.] What a tribute to 
the greatness of the sim})lc character of Washington, when a nation, 
at the basis of whose social and political structure almost, it lies 
that they should not be W(»rshii)crs of men, nor worshipers of 



15 

heroes, has yet foand so great a public importance in the birthday 
of Washington, that, unanimously, wherever loyalty prevails, this 
holiday is kept with festive pomp ! All the local events of the 
Revolution, all the birthdays of the celebrated men of the Revo- 
lution, or of later times, however much they have received of cas- 
ual observance and local homage, have entirely failed to place 
themselves in the hearts of the people, beside the 4tli of July and the 
22d of February. The President of the United States, by a proc- 
lamation, according with the impulses of the people, has enjoined 
upon good citizens all over this land, to meet, and with proper 
observances commemorate this great occasion. In obedience to 
that call — in obedience to our duty and our feelings alike — on the 
invitation of a patriotic Committee, this great assemblage has here 
met But I must say, that aside from all these reasons I have 
mentioned, there sprung up a resentful feeling in the hearts of 
this people, the moment their attention was drawn to the fact that 
the rebel Government had dared to adopt the day of Washing- 
ton for the day of their inauguration — a feeling of solemn and 
deep resentment, and an earnest and unanimous purpose, that the 
joy, and the shouts, and the homage, of the loyal people of the 
United States should drown the feeble voices of rebels. [Loud 
cheers.] 

The theme of Washington, his life, and his character, is one 
that is suitable for the most thorough and severe contemplation, 
and you will find, from every scrutiny, but renewed reasons to 
thank Grod for such a man, not only to form this nation, and 
mould and control the minds of his own generation, but to be still 
alive in the examples of the great men who have followed him, 
and who will ever be glad to repeat, that to the contem})lation of 
his life, his character, his conduct in war, his conduct in peace, his 
comprehensive patriotism, and his thorough disinterestedness, 
they owe much of the support and aid to their own arduous and 
patriotic sacrifices for their country, that even the longest and 
most illustrious life may have given them an opportunity to yield. 
[Applause.] Who can tell how great and important a benefit it 
is to a people, that their hero, besides having had the courage and 
the energy to carry them through their early struggles and establish 



16 

them as a nation, had also that dignity of private life, that purity 
of private character, that unselfishness, and that absolute and com- 
prehensive })atriotism, that made it sure to the liberties and hap- 
piness of this people, that whoever followed the example of Wash- 
ington", must be the benefactor of America ? [Loud cheers.] 

But, Washington connected himself with the life of this nation 
in all the great points of its origin which served to determine the 
shape and character of its political institutions. Beginning, as we 
all know our revolutionary progress did, in the determination that 
we would enjoy the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and not be 
ruled b}' foreign legislation, under any formal pretence of a con- 
stitutional authority of Parliament, we find Washington's activity 
dating with the first, running with the most earnest, continuing to 
the last ; and when he, and the other leading minds of our country, 
found that we could not have liberty as Englishmen, but must 
have independence as Americans, he, first and foremost, carried 
through the toils of war, and planted successfully, the established 
nationality of the country, upon a basis laid by the Declaration of 
Independence. [Cheers.] When, again, it was found that liberty 
was not secured by independence, nor independence secured by 
liberty, but Union in one Grovernment was the necessary protec- 
tion of them both — who is it, that by his counsels leads his coun- 
trymen, and who is it that presides over the great Convention that 
framed the Federal Constitution? Again, again it is Washing- 
ton! [Renewed applause.] And when, the paper government 
formed, the labor then began of adjusting this new and complex 
system of a Greneral Grovernment, and independent States Govern- 
ment, within the province of power submitted to their administra- 
tion—who is it that reconciles all discords by his firm hand ? 
Who is it that marshals under him the great intellects of the 
nation and restrains their power, and, thus, fitting the working of 
the scheme to the passions, and prejudices, and habits of the peo- 
ple, by eight years of early administration, makes it easy to govern 
the people by men who have honest hearts and truly honest pur- 
poses? Washington, again! So that, when we celebrate the 
birthday of Washington, we celebrate the goodness of Provi- 
dence, that prepared in good season a man, without whom liberty 



17 

and its spirit would have taken no such solid form as to gain 
independence ; independence would not have been of sufficient 
strength to maintain itself till brought under the protection of 
Union, and Union would have been dissolved under the first 
storms that attacked it, but for his pilotage through eight years 
of responsible and difficult administration. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 
It is not personal homage, then, that we offer to-day, but it is 
gratitude for the gift of God of the human being that was neces- 
sary to establish the Nation, provide it a Grovernment, and set 
that Government working for its benefit. 

Mr. President and gentlemen, be sure we have not talked of the 
wisdom of our ancestors in forming this Government, without 
some intelligence of what its principle was. Governments have 
existed before. Free people in spirit, and free people in fact, have 
existed before. But never before has there been a contrivance 
whereby a great and powerful nationality could, consistently with 
the freedom of the people, maintain its strength, secure against 
anarchy within, and against the operation of jealous hatred from 
abroad ; never before has a contrivance been framed whereby — by 
the grant of power, as to what was national and what had relation 
to foreign aft'airs, to a General Government, and dividing the local 
administration among State Governments — we could have a nation 
strong enough to maintain peace at home, and secure respect 
abroad, and yet not endowed with so great a fund of power as to 
subvert the liberties of the people who contributed to its establish- 
ment. [Applause.] 

And this it was, gentlemen, that made us understand, after a 
while, what this rebellion was, and how it touched our interests, 
our safet}'^, our Government, and our nation. Why, the cry was, 
on the part of the rebel States, " Let us alone ! we only want to 
change our Government. Why will you interfere with us ? We 
do not intend to interfere with you." They said that this princi- 
ple that the people could do as they pleased about making a 
government, applied to them, or to any part of a people or a 
nation, and all they wanted was to be let alone! We, for a while 
bewildered and uncertain, under the uncertain sound that came 
from the watchmen, (making it clear that no one could prepare for 
3 



18 

the battle under such warning.) thought there was something in 
this. But, at last, we found that it was the central principle of the 
Government that they were undermining — that would make it 
impossible, in the future, that we could ever hope that this plan 
of divided administration of Government could be consistent with 
National life. [Applause.] Why, gentlemen, their course and 
their conduct — we being all involved in one Nation, one destiny, 
one Government — has been found as well illustrated by the figure 
of a ship and its crew on the stormy ocean as by any other. They 
talked pretty much in this way, as if the mutineers of a crew, in a 
storm at sea, when the master and the loyal ship's company were 
bearing down on them to subdue their mutiny, should say, " Why 
do you interfere with us? All we want is to be let alone." But, 
our reply is, "This is our ship, and you are interfering with it." 
" Oh ! no," they say, " we do not mean to interfere with the ship ; 
we propose to make a just and equitable division of it; we mean 
to saw it in two, just behind the mainmast." But, we answered, 
" Why, you poor, deluded mariners, if you have but half a ship 
left, you will surely go to the bottom." Again, they reply: 
"That is our affair — let us alone." But at last it gets through our 
shrewd heads, that we mil have but half a ship left, and that we, 
too, will go to the bottom. [Cheers and laughter.] " Oh," they 
say, "what is that to us? That is your business!" Well, we 
conclude that the whole ship of State, with all its strength and all 
its thunders and its bright flag still at the mast head, is the 
ship for us, and if any of the mutineers want a yawl boat to go 
off in, let them take it, but not saw our vessel in two. [Eenewed 
cheers and laughter.] 

When we got to fighting for our own Government, our own 
interests, and our own safety, we fought to some purpose. 
[Applause.] What was it that waked up the people ? See the 
designs of Providence ! When the rebellion languished — when 
it was feared that returning reason might assert its sway over the 
Southern people — its infatuated leaders determined they must 
make a breach of open war, to rouse the hearts of the rebellious 
})opulation, and the gun to which the torch was applied for this 
purpose, aimed at Sumter, awoke- — I will not say the sleeping 



19 

North — but awoke the sleeping thunders of the Constitution. 
[Prolonged cheers.] For that gun, aimed, to the natural eye, at 
the feeble garrison, was really aimed at the central principle of 
the Constitution and the Union. [Applause.] They found that 
they had waked up a garrison of twenty millions of men to defend 
the Constitution at which their feeble guns were aimed. And, 
now, this garrison, alert, aroused, fally armed, holds its own 
ground, and soon, in the President's phrase, is going " to repossess " 
all the rest of the country. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 

Now, this adjustment between State and Federal Government has 
always been prophesied as to prove the fatal weakness of our Con- 
stitution, and of our nation. Well, gentlemen, the moralist will 
tell you that no virtue can be pronounced very reliable until it has 
resisted temptation. The physician will tell j'ou that no health, 
however apparently robust and vigorous, can be much counted 
upon, till it has shown its power in the resistance of disease. This 
is the trial of our Constitution. Men have said, why, when dis- 
contents occupy the hearts of large ]3ortions of the people, the 
State governments are already organized rebellion, and the Federal 
Grovernment can make no head against them. And so the first 
experiences of this rebellion seemed to teach. But, at length, we 
found that there was in the Constitution, and in this particular form 
of our Grovernment, as wonderful resources for resistance, as there 
were mighty and tempting opportunities for rebellion ; and that, 
when the great States, unanimous and strong, came out against the 
rebellion, there was organized loyalty^ as well as organized re- 
bellion. [Loud cheers,] I need not ask you to look at the fate 
of revolutions in what are called homogeneous nations, and under 
simple governments. I need not ask you to remember how often 
a revolution that carries the streets of Paris, carries the nation of 
France. I need not ask you how difficult, how dangerous, is the 
situation of that nation where rebellion, seizing the centre of 
government and infecting the sources of power, places the great 
mass of the people at disadvantage, they having no magistrates, 
no combination, no organization ; but I ask you to look at the 
spectacle of this nation, and tell me whether, hereafter, any man, 
any statesman, any schemer, any traitor, will think that by carry- 



20 

ing Charleston and Montgomery, and New Orleans, and Nashville 
and Richmond, lie has carried the United States? [Applanse.] 
A cou}:) d'etat, for this country, must be a coup d'etat which is start- 
ed by the people, and rests upon some universal and honest prin- 
ciple of human nature, uprising against oppression, and never can 
be carried upon the schemes of personal ambition, or of an inter- 
ested class, or of a special property organization, however vast it 
may be. [Renewed cheers.] 

But another view of the great strength of our Government is 
shown, to the apprehension of even the most careless observer, and 
that is, how a Government said to be weak, and certainly want- 
ing many of the powers and faculties of operation that strong 
Governments possess, — how that Government needs not to exer- 
cise a single authority, but merely to beckon with the finger, to 
give permission, to organize for the defence of the law and the 
Constitution. [Cheers.] And it is absurd to instruct the nation 
that our written Constitution does not permit the exercise of all 
the energies of the nation, at the right time, at the right place, 
and in the right form, to resist force by force. It is always con- 
stitutional, gentlemen, to uphold the life of the Constitution, and 
to measure the energies and the means by the energies and the 
means that are brought against that life. [Loud applause.] It is 
always constitutional, in the human frame, when fever or disease 
invades it, to meet the enemy by the most vigorous poisons, that 
would be extremely unconstitutional in time of health. [Laughter 
and applause.] 

The brief experience, gentlemen, we have had of this rebellion, 
has taught us how great was the wisdom of Washington. When, 
before, did this nation ever stand doubtful and expectant as to the 
course that foreign nations would take toward us, except when 
this accursed rebellion had weakened and endangered the Union? 
When did foreign nations, since we became one of the family, 
undertake to have a violent and insolent policy toward us, except 
when this accursed rebellion had weakened and divided the 
strength of this nation ? [Cheers.] And, just so sui'C as the re- 
bellion should succeed, just so sure would what Washington 
denounces as " an apostate and unnatural conoection with foreign 



21 

powers," have been the only hope, the only honor, the only protec- 
tion, of the successful rebels; and just so sure should we, left, as I 
have said, witli but half a ship upon the stormy sea, have been 
plundered by all the pirates that could get at us. Let us know, 
then, that on this triple arch of liberty, independence and union, 
does this Nation, in its constituted liberties, stand ; and that triple 
arch has been so underwrought by the master-builders, who framed 
the structure of our Government, that no stone can be taken out of 
one without toppling all, and involving in ruin the entire struc-. 
ture. [Prolonged applause,] 

Well, gentlemen, a war cannot be carried on without both 
taxing and fighting. [Cheers.] It seemed for some time as 
if those who directed our affairs had not learned that you 
never can have a victory without fighting ; and having learned 
that lesson, they have jumped very quickly to the next one — 
that you never can fight without having a victory, for that is 
our experience. [Loud applause.] And yet, for fear we should 
not have a victory, we stood in danger of never fighting. 
[Laughter.] But taxation, gentlemen, is the basis on which the 
resources of the people are to be marshaled, to strengthen the 
sinews of the Government in war, just as much as by drawing, 
under military combination, the physical force of the people to- 
gether, battles are to be fought and the war prosecuted. Loans 
are nothing but the discount of taxation, and if you have no tax- 
ation to discount you cannot get any loans. You cannot go on 
the plan of thinking you do not want your money on this tax or 
on that tax, and that no tax at all would be better. You cannot 
get along on the plan of the Vermont financier I have heard of, 
who said that all this bother about financial measures seemed 
sheer nonsense; that he did not like direct taxation, or indirect 
taxation — that he did not like excise duties or tarifis — but his plan 
was, that all the expenses of the Government should be paid out 
of the Treasury. [Laughter and cheers.] Well, gentlemen, that 
may do for a little while, and that is the plan we are going on 
now — paying the expenses of the Government out of the Treasury. 
[Eenewed laughter.] 

I have occupied much more of your attention than I had 



22 

designed to. [Cries of " Go on."'] We see a strange spectacle 
now in this country ; and if the shade of Washington could be 
supposed to bend an interested eye upon the gi-eat transactions in 
the midst of the people whom he so much loved, toward the for- 
mation of whose Government and protection of whose liberties he 
did so much, where, think you, would he bend his approving 
smile, and where cast his awful frown? Would the city of Wash- 
ington and the Government there — the city of the Union and the 
Government of the Union — or the city of Richmond, in his own 
loved State of Virginia, and the Government there, receive his 
approval? Which would he adhere to? I cannot tell you any 
more clearly than you know yourselves. But the living presence 
that can most nearly present to us the situation and the choice of 
Washing-ton, is the course of the great man, eminent in war, 
eminent in peace, who, having the loved State of Virginia for his 
birthplace, and the loved Union for his country, chose the 
Government of Washington and the fabric of our constituted 
liberties, and not the Government of Richmond and the State 
rights of Virginia. [This allusion to Gen. Scott evoked the great- 
est enthusiasm, and cheer after cheer was given for the honored 
veteran.] 

To which of the two Presidents would Washington commend 
the book, to receive the vows, on the 4th of March, to President 
Lincoln, at Washington, or, on this day, to Mr. Davis, at Rich- 
mond? And if he were now to distribute the swords which he 
bequeathed in his will — with the injunction that they never should 
be unsheathed to shed blood, except in self-defence or in defence 
of the country or its rights, and in the latter case, that they never 
should be sheathed, but that it should be preferable to die with 
them drawn than relinquish the rights of the country — were he to 
distribute the swords now, would he give them to Halleck? or to 
Beauregard ? 

This is the example, this the dut}^ that we learn from Wash- 
ington ; and aside from our duty, let us see how our most sacred 
sentiments are involved in this. Why, gentlemen, since this re- 
bellion broke out, I have had it ever before me, that so long as it 
prevailed, the great names and the great fames of the Revolution 



23 

grew sensibly paler. How shall we maintain against the sneers of 
foreign nations — how against the chidings of the jealous and en- 
vious mother country — the principles of our Ee volution, if we are 
to be told, like froward children who have quarreled with a gra- 
cious mother, you have fallen into the contempt which your 
necessary quarrels among yourselves have bred ? Let all of us, 
who have any personal connection with the names of the men 
who, in the battle-field or in the council-chamber, aided in the 
glories of the Eevolution — let us see to it that we protect, to the 
remotest generation, their famous names from the reproaches that 
would be brought against them by the cowardice or the pusillan- 
imity of their posterity, if we did not re-establish, over every inch 
of our territory, in all its pristine strength, the Government 
which they bequeathed to us, and plant our flag — " Liberty and 
Union forever!" — wherever they, or their descendants, have reared 
it. [Loud and prolonged applause.] 

His Honor the Mayor having retired. Governor Fish took the 
Chair. 

TELEGEAPH FROM HON. JOSEPH HOLT. 

The Chairman — Before presenting to you the name of another 
speaker, I am requested to read a telegram received to-day from 
one who is with you in spirit, although he cannot be in person — 
Hon. Joseph Holt. [Three cheers were given for Holt] 

St. Louis, February 19th, 1862, 
Gen. P. M. Wetmore, Secretary: 

In fervent gratitude to God and to our brave army, and in transports of re- 
joicing, I will be with the citizens of New-York in the celebration on Saturday. 

J. HOLT. 

"When the above had been read and cheered, Mr. Eaymond was 
called for, and spoke as follows : 

SPEECH OF HON. HENRY J. RAYMOND. 

Mr. President and Felloiu- Citizens, — I feel oppressed by this 
occasion, and still more oppressed by my entire incompetency to 
utter even the few words which you have a right to expect from any 



24 

one who has the temerity, at such a time, to present himself to such 
an audience. I cannot hope to say one word concerning the great 
questions which agitate all hearts and till all minds, that will not 
long ago have occurred to every one of my hearers ; and I shall 
not attempt it. I can only pour forth in feeble words such 
expressions as may come into my mind, of congratulation and 
rejoicing at the aspect of affairs at this moment, and touch feebly 
those echoes which lie in every heart, in the presence of such 
events as are now upon us. 

We have met here to celebrate the birthday of the Father of 
his Country, not in silence, not with oppressed and regretfid 
hearts, not looking back into the past as the only era of heroism 
and hope, but we come to raise our voices of joy and congratula- 
tion that we live in such a day, that we see tlie events that are 
passing before us, and that our hearts may be filled and animated 
by hopes and })rospects such as Washington, and those who 
stood by his side in the Revolution, could never anticipate. His 
sacred memory in times of past prosperity, has been before us as 
the pillar of cloud, leading us on in solemn awe ; it now marches 
before our bands like a pillar of fire, animating us in the great 
work now so nearly accomplished. I do not know why it is — 
perhaps it is because I am less impressible than most men, or 
perhaps it is that I am more sanguine — but I have never been able 
to take so sombre and gloomy a view of the present condition of 
this country as has filled the mind of others. It has seemed to 
me that we were entering upon that stage of national existence 
which always occurs in every nation's history. Each must have 
enemies to encounter, both within and without. What are our 
struggles compared with those of other nations in other ages, of 
nations infinitely less fitted to carry those struggles to a successful 
issue? We have duties to perform, burdens to bear, blows to 
strike ; but, thank God, we are a people able to bear every burden 
and to strike every blow. [Applause.] And what have we not to 
congratulate ourselves upon at this moment ? We have the linger- 
ing voice of that great man, the Father of his country, whose words 
have echoed in your ears to-night, guiding us under all circum- 
stances of peace and war. We have here the fit successor of the 



25 

Father of his country, his peer in patriotism, [great applause,] un- 
surpassed and unsurpassable by Washington or any other name 
that ever graced the annals of any age, in everything that makes 
the patriot and the friend of his country ; and if not equally for- 
tunate in that great renown which will forever surround and 
hallow the sacred name of Washington, it is only because God 
in his mercy gives to a nation but one father, one name to wor- 
ship. [Renewed applause.] 

We have, too, a people worthy of the father whom they so love 
and revere ; and this war already, before the first year of its ex- 
istence is closed, has proved to us and to all the nations of the 
earth, what all the nations of the earth had denied, what we had 
ourselves, some of us, begun to doubt, that we have men able to 
fight for the liberties bequeathed to them, ready to fight not only 
against foes who may come from abroad, but against all foes, be 
they their own brethren even, to the death, if need be, to rescue 
the Constitution and the Union. We have a past ; and thank God 
for the glorious names that emblazon it. We have a present full 
of honor and renown. And we shall have a future which will 
outshine both in the lustre and endurance of its glory and its honor. 
Ah, our soldiers — we who have no soldiers — our soldiers, the 
soldiers of the Republic, that has been forced to hear, and perfectly 
willing to bear, the scorn of every decaying monarchy of Europe 
because we had no standing army — our soldiers, the soldiers of 
the Republic, millions of them, are ready to face the world in 
arms, if the world chooses to come in arms to crush our liberty. 
[Great applause.] 

Beyond all question, war is an evil. No one regards it as a 
good. But it is not an unmixed evil. Nothing can be an unmixed 
evil which gives us such glorious examples of courage and con- 
stancy as the last three weeks have witnessed upon this soil, at 
the hands of citizens of the Republic. The capture of Fort 
Donelson, [applause,] that single incident of this war, not only in 
the immediate results which are to follow it, but in the great 
lesson it has taught, in the great hopes it has lighted, of curability 
to meet the rebels at home and foes abroad — the single capture of 
that one fort is worth every dollar and every life this war will cost. 
4 



26 

[Applause.] But I should weary you and exhaust tlie time — 
[''Go on," "go on."] I have no intention of stopping just yet. 
[Laughter.] I was only about to say I would not attempt to 
enumerate all the causes of congratulatiou that cluster around us 
to-day. 

We have seen a conspiracy rise in our midst, not upon sudden 
impulse, not from the torture of some crushing wrong, suddenly 
felt and suddenly realized, but a conspiracy carefully matured by 
the leading spirits of one section of our country, for twenty-five or 
thirty years of our existence ; maturing itself by all the aids and 
appliances which skillful men know^ so well how to use, bringing 
into its whirlpool all the prejudices and all the passions of a proud 
and sensitive race. We have seen it selecting its own time, laying 
its own plans, setzing the most favorable moment for their execution, 
bursting out in a sudden war against a nation that never dreamed 
of war, a nation that had been warned often, and refused, in the 
magnanimity of its heart, ever to believe that its own sons could 
lift a parricidal hand against its existence. We have seen that 
conspiracy going into the field, ready armed, confident, strong in 
preparation and purpose ; and after a few months of struggle and 
strife, where do we see it now? ["In the dust."] Ay, in the 
dust, to be trodden in the dust by all honest men hereafter. You 
know that the great Irish orator, Curran, said, half in boast and 
half in lament, that he had rocked the cradle of Irish liberty, and 
had followed its cofiin to the grave. The shortest lived rebel in 
the Southern States may say the same thing of the Southern 
rebellion. The same infant hand that rocked its cradle will look 
with contempt upon its grave ; for to-day its cradle stands by the 
brink of its grave. The solemnities at Richmond, by which this 
day has been desecrated, are funeral solemnities, and not solemnities 
that can lift the heart, or for a moment bear the name of rejoicing. 
If it had been possible and quite safe, I should have been very 
glad to have looked upon that inaugural celebration to-day. 
[Laughter.] I did not think it wise to go as a spectator, and, 
therefore, as we must deny ourselves many things in this life, I 
denied myself the great pleasure it would have given me to have 
looked upon the face of Jeff. Davis when he "the likeness of a 



kingly crown put on." [Laughter.] I think it must have much 
resembled that of his great prototype, described by Milton, who sat 
at the gates of Hell, and whose name was Death ; because, if ever men 
assembled to inaugurate what they called a Government, under 
circumstances of dismal, hopeless solemnity, it was the gang 
of conspirators who are desecrating the name of Government 
under the pretence of celebrating the birthday of Washington, 
in the city of Richmond, to-day. If they can believe for a mo- 
ment that that Government can have an existence ninety days 
from date, they are much more sanguine of success even than 
our Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, who, I believe, through all 
this, has kept up heart and hope, and predicted a speedy end 
to the rebellion. 

Ninety days from this time, there will be nothing like a rebel 
Government in the Southern States, that can rally to its support 
any considerable number even of the Southern people. If they 
can maintain themselves for that time, I think I may quote the 
highest military authority of this land, for the opinion that it will 
be the only instance in history where, under circumstances so ad- 
verse, that feat has been accomplished. Surrounded on every 
side, the heart of their resources broken, their own steps destroy- 
ing them, what have they to fall back upon, except the Gulf, which 
will envelop them even sooner than if they stay where they are. 

We may congratulate ourselves, moreover, upon the sentiment 
in the Southern Confederacy, as it is called, which the progress of 
this war develops. The most beautiful, the most encouraging- 
scene of all, to my mind, is revealed in the news that reaches us 
from day to day, that at this point and that, in the Southern 
States, to which our army has penetrated, and which it has been 
able to relieve from the incubus of tyranny that weighed upon it, 
crowds of the people flocked to the shores and saluted our flag as 
their flag, and promised to be true to the Union. You may have 
seen in the papers this morning — in one of them, at least — in the ac- 
count of the advance of the army to Fort Donelson, a little incident, 
in which an old man indicated his feelings upon the subject. As the 
fleet was passing up the Cumberland River, an old man was seen, 
with silvery locks, leaning upon his cane, with an apparently im- 



28 

passive face. Slowly and tlioughtfully be paced to and fro, until 
the band on board struck up " Yankee Doodle/' when off went bis 
bat, and his old arm was raised in the air, and he gave three hearty 
cheers for the old Union. So, too, when the reconnaissance was 
made up the Tennessee Kiver, into the State of Alabama, as far as 
Florence, everywhere, upon every side, thousands of Union men 
appeared upon the banks of the river, and greeted the flag with 
their gratulations and heart-felt rejoicings. So, too, we are told, 
in Richmond, even, and I believe it to be true, three thousand men 
are leagued together as Union men, ready, whenever the heavy 
band of their tyrannous Government shall be lifted from them, to 
strike a blow for the cause w^hicli lifts us up, and gives us courage 
and hope for the future. 

This is not a w^ar against the South, nor the Southern people, 
nor any institution of the Southern people, or any other people. 
It is a war against rebellion ; and I should be very sorry to believe 
that rebellion had become an institution of any portion of our 
common country. Nor is it a war against any State, because there 
is no State in this rebellion. States cannot rebel. The Constitu- 
tion forbids it ; and the Constitution, thank God, is the supreme 
law of the land, and will continue to be the supreme law of the 
land. It is a conspiracy and a rebellion of individual men, each 
one of them to be regarded as an individual personal traitor and 
rebel. The fact that be lives in one State or another, makes no 
difference in his guilt, changes not in the least the character of bis 
acts, or his relations to the General Government. The Constitu- 
tion, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, take effect in all the 
States, and upon all the individual men who live within those 
States ; and every man who rebels against the Constitution makes 
himself personally a traitor, and no State has any authority what- 
ever to shelter him from bis subjection to the Constitution of the 
United States. 

We have this great source of rejoicing, that every step of pro- 
gress that our armies make in the Southern States, has revealed 
loyalty there — high-toned, brave, hopeful loyalty ; a loyalty that 
will light for the Union, and that, when it gets the power will 
crush those of their own neighbors who have lifted their accursed 



29 

hnnds against the Government of the United States. [Applause.] 
This war thus far, and for some time to come, lias been, and must 
be, a war to develop the loyalty of the Southern States. That is 
the object of the war. People ask us what we are fighting for. 
To put down this or that ? to maintain this or that ? We are 
fighting to put down the rebellion, and release the loyal citizens of 
the South from the subjection in which they are held. 

Possibly, by bare possibility, we may be mistaken in our expec- 
tations of finding so much loyalty in the South as we look for- 
ward to. If so, it will be time enough then to consider what shall 
be the next step taken. But now, to-day, this war is and must 
be carried on upon the assumption that the mass of the Southern 
people are loyal, and that if the Government of the United States 
will extend to them its protection, they will exercise the power 
of bringing back their localities into subjection to the Constitution 
of the United States. The mass of our people all through the 
country believe this to be the true view of the case, and therefore 
it is that you have seen through the North, from the beginning of 
the war until now, not the slightest indication of vindictiveness 
toward the people of the South. 

The constant complaint of some portions of the people has been 
that we are not sufficiently enraged against the South ; that we 
show no disposition to exterminate the Southern people. I think 
there is some truth in the charge. I think we have been careful 
not to exterminate anybody that could be kept alive with safety 
to the Constitution of the United States. We have conducted 
the war upon the assumption that the great mass of the Southern 
people are loyal citizens of the United States, enveloped in a net- 
work of conspiracy, which by its tyranny has deprived them of 
all liberty of sj)eech or action. It is the object of the war to re- 
store them their liberty, and to give them, as citizens of the United 
States, all the power which belongs to them in that capacity. 
And in that I believe, in my heart of hearts, the next ninety days 
will show that we have conducted the war upon a proper basis, 
in the proper spirit, and in the only true way to insure what we 
have aimed at — the supremacy of the Constitution all over the 
land that belongs to the Union. 



30 

They ask us if we expect to subjugate tlie South? Yes, we do. 
"We not only expect it, but mean to do it. We expect to subju- 
gate the rebels who are in arms by cold steel and hard blows; 
and we expect to sul)jugate the great masses of the South by 
showing them again the magnanimity — the blessing that comes 
with the flag of the Union, taking their hearts captive, and mak- 
ing them again the most thorough friends and supporters of the 
Constitution of the United States. [Applause.] We may rejoice 
in the prospect, therefore — and it is the only prospect in which 
we can have rejoicing without alloy — that when we have finished 
this war, and when the great work of statesmanship commences, we 
shall see no State erased from the list of the Union, no star blotted 
out from the galaxy, no State line wiped out, no reduction of any 
portion of our country to the condition of a subjugated province; 
but all standing again in the sisterhood of States, all in the hands 
of loyal citizens of their several States, in the hands of men 
who will support the Constitution of the United States, and 
put their brand upon any man who will not do that, as an 
enemy not only to the Constitution of the United States, but of 
the particular State in which he happens to live. That, I believe, 
will be the result of this great war, and when it comes — it may 
not be next year or the year after — it may not be, so far as all the 
States are concerned, for ten or twenty years — but sooner or later 
it will surely come — and when it does come we shall have a free 
Republic, having the support of every soul within its limits, ani- 
mated by infinitely more fervor of love than has ever yet burned 
in the hearts of its people, against which all the darts of conspira- 
cy at home, or of enmity abroad, will break, as the brittle steel 
breaks against the burnished shield. It is anchored deep in the 
affections of the people, and nothing can drag it therefrom ; and 
through after years they will say, " Through blood and fire we 
anchored it there ; are we again to give it up ? again to fight bat- 
tles against it? No ; a thousand times, no !" This rebellion once 
put down, we shall never hear of another upon this Continent. 

We have not only occasion upon this birthday of Washington 
to rejoice in our success over internal conspiracy and rebellion, 
but we shall have conquered the world of our enemies, by the ex- 



31 

hibition we shall have made to them of the power of freedom, of 
our executive ability and military strength. They have been 
saying our Government was weak. They see it to-day the strong- 
est Government upon the face of the earth, because there is not 
another Government under heaven that could, by simply appeal- 
ing to its people, put 600,000 men into the held, ready to war 
against any foe. They see a people ready to surrender every- 
thing dearest to the hearts of the people — all their rights, and 
all their liberties, for the moment, under the pressure of ne- 
cessity, for the purpose of saving the life of the nation, that 
makes the enjoyment of those treasured rights possible. If these 
are not indications of strength, where in the history of any country 
will you find them? If this country today does not present to 
the world the spectacle of a powerful nation, show me one upon 
the face of the earth that can. Every step we take now strength- 
ens our country, makes us more powerful — will make us more 
united. And if statesmanship follows the army after the war is 
over — true statesmanship, consulting the great permanent interests 
of the country, and not the immediate vindictiveness of the mo- 
ment — we shall find ourselves anchored so fast that we may defy 
the insolence and jealousies of England, and the hatred of the 
world in arms. "We may well look forward to that day as one of 
unmixed rejoicing. We may even, by anticipation, rejoice in it 
here to-day. In everything that we see, evincing the power, 
bravery, courage and endurance of our soldiers, we may foresee 
almost with certainty the speedy end of this rebellion ; and we 
may know for ourselves that we have the courage, the wisdom 
and the ability to lead this great nation forward for years to come, 
and to plant its flag upon the glittering heights of renown to 
which every nation looks forward as its hope and reward. 

We have duties to perform; we have burdens still to bear. 
There is no mistake about the disposition of our people to do the 
one, or their ability and their willingness to bear the other. All 
we want is vigorous leadership. Now that the great task of prepa- 
ration is ovei' — the mightiest task that has devolved upon us, 
taken, as we were, unawares, without an army, without a treasury, 
without anything upon which a great nation could fall back in 



the days of its emergency — now that the task of preparation is 
gone through with, thanks to the same great genius which presid- 
ed over our arms in the outset, [applause,] the task devolved upon 
his successors is easy. It is honorable, it is glorious — but it is 
comparatively easy. If they will walk in his footsteps, they will 
carry this nation forward to the great goal which he saw with dis- 
tinctness when the war first broke out, and to which he bent all 
his great energies, by way of preparation, from the very start. 
[Eenewed applause.] 

We have occasion for mourning, for sadness ; for war ever brings 
sorrow in its train. With all the glor}^, pomp, and circumstance 
that surrounds it, although it awakens in every heart feelings of 
admiration for heroism, yet hundreds and thousands fall in its 
bloody wake, and f dl to rise no more. They shall be remembered 
while the nation lasts, as the saviors of its life and the preservers 
of its Constitution. 

" How sleep the brave who sink to rest, 
By all their country's wishes blest!" 

May God bless those whom they leave behind them. May we 
never verify the false maxim, that Republics are ungrateful. Let 
them sleep peacefully, because they sleep in honor. They have 
gone to their rest, and their works shall follow them. We who 
shall enjoy the blessings which their death has conferred upon us, 
and our children who shall come after us, will reap a still richer 
harvest of those blessings — we will never forget to cherish their 
memories, to honor their deeds, to make their names immortal in 
their country's history. Let those who are yet to follow in their 
footsteps have our encouragement— the encouragement of the 
honors we pay their predecessors ; and let them feel that every one 
of them is watched, not only with an admiring, but with a loving 
eye — that loving hands are stretched forth toward them, eager to 
aid them, to help them on, and that loving hands will still be 
stretched forth toward those whom they may, in the providence of 
God, leave behind them. 

But, with all its drawbacks, this war is fraught with blessings, 
for which we have reason to be thankful to the Almighty Ruler of 



33 

Nations, for all time to come. It will strengthen our virtues ; it 
will purify our political atmosphere ; it will lift us above the mere 
petty struggles for party place, and bring us into those sereoer 
heights, where Wisdom presides over the councils of the nation, 
and will bring us to feel as a nation henceforth, I trust, that we 
have duties to perform as well as privileges to enjoy. [Applause.] 

Lieut, Gen, Scott here retired from the hall, and the audience 
arose and greeted him with repeated cheers. 

The question was put upon the resolutions, and they were 
agreed to. 

Governor Fish having retired, the Chair was taken by Judge 

PlERREPONT. 

Mr, A, T. Stewart read the following letter, which was received 
with enthusiastic applause : — 



SECRETARY SEWARD'S LETTER. 



Department of State, 
Washington, February Idtli, 1862. 



Messrs. Hamilton Fish and Simeon Draper, Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the 
Union Defence Committee of the Citizens of Neiv-York : 

Gentlemen, —I have had the honor to receive the note in which you have invited 
me to attend a mass meeting of the citizens of New-York on the 22d inst., in 
commemoration of the birth of Washington, and in honor of the recent brilliant 
successes of the Union forces in suppressing rebellion. 

It would be a source of great satisfaction to me to meet the people of New- 
York on so interesting an occasion, but Congress has instituted similar cere- 
monies to be observed at this Capital, and has made my attendance upon them 
an official duty. I need not say that in my very heart, and mind, and soul, I 
approve these proposed observances. Disloyal citizens have seized upon that 
great anniversary to pervert it to a more complete organization of the conspiracy 
for the overthrow of the Union of which Washington was the founder, and for 
the betrayal of the people of the United States back again to the foreign yoke 
which the hand of Washington smote and broke. May we not hope that the 
mighty shade of the Father of his Country will be allowed to look down from its 
rest on that day devoted to his memory, and say which of the two are indeed 
dutiful children — those who are engaged in the destruction of that country so 
blessed of God above all other lands, or those who have committed themselves 
to its salvation. I am, gentlemen, yours, very faithfully, 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
5 



34 

Mr. Prosper M. Wetmore read the following letter, remarking 
that it ^Yas from one who, whenever he speaks or writes, stirs 
every loyal heart — Daniel S. DiCKiNSOiSr. [Applause.] 

HON. DANIEL S. DICKINSON'S LETTER. 

Fifth Avenur Hotel, February 22d, 1862. 
Ml/ Dear General, — Late last evening, on my arrival here, I was honored by 
your favor inviting me, in behalf of the Union i;)efence Committee, to speak this 
evening at the Union meeting. I regret to say that a previous engagement to 
speak in a neighboring city will prevent its acceptance. But let me embrace 
this occasion to congratulate the country, and especially those who characterized 
the conspiracy and throttled the rebellion in the outbreak, upon the exposure of 
the one, and the virtual overthrow of the other, and the shame and confusion of 
the supporters, advocates and apologists of both ; and permit me, too, to add 
one word of warning against the danger of delusive palliatives and mistaken com- 
promises. It is and has been a struggle between a free Government and one of 
the darkest conspiracies, culminating in rebellion, wliich ever desecrated earth. 
Now, let there be no unmanly or cowardly shrinking, and no terms offered or ac- 
cepted, but out and out, absolute and unconditional surrender. 

Sincerely, yours, 

D. S. DICKINSON. 
Gen. P. M. Wetmokk, Secretary. 



SPEECH OF EX-GOV. WASHINGTON HUNT. 

3Ir. President and Fellow- Citizens, — I came here intending to bear 
no personal part in the proceedings of this most impressive and 
interesting occasion. I came to listen once more in silence, to the 
warning voice of the Father of his Country, and to enjoy in silence 
this manifestation of the joy of patriotic exultation which now 
animates the breasts of the whole American people who are still 
loyal to the Constitution and the Union. The recurrence of the 
birthday of Washington, is an event which ever appeals impres- 
sively to the 23atriotism and fidelity of the people whose liberty he 
contributed to secure. But in the present crisis of our country, 
this appeal comes with j)eculiar emphasis and power. The Ad- 
dress which has been read to-night seemed to speak trumpet- 
tongued, and to proclaim to every man throughout the extent 
of this land, his duty to maintain, at the sacrifice of everything 
dear, even of life itself, the institutions which we received at his 
hands, and which he and those who co-operated with him, fondly 



35 

supposed they liad delivered into the hands of successors who 
would prove themselves worthy of so inestimable an inhciilance. 

We have assembled this evening under auspices which are })e- 
culiarly animating and cheering to the friends of the Union fuid 
of the Constitution. If there ai'e any who have ever doubled, 
there is occasion to doubt no longer, that our Union and our Con- 
stitution are safe. [Applause.] Thanks to the loyal spirit of the 
people, to the fidelity of our soldiers, their bravery and their 
courage, it is now manifest that there is no power which can pre- 
vail against the power of the Constitution ; that no conspiracy — 
no rebellion — can be maintained of sufficient strength to stand 
against the wrath and indignation of an aroused and intelligent 
people, devoted to their liberty and their rights. It is not my 
purpose to detain yovi at this advanced hour, by any extended 
remarks ; but having been called upon, it affords me peculiar satis- 
faction to respond to the sentiments of patriotism and exultation 
which have been so eloquently expressed by the gentleman who 
preceded me. I believe that this unnatural struggle is coming to 
a close ; that we have seen the darkest day, and that the bright 
sun of peace and Union — a friendly Union, restored fraternal, 
affectionate sentiments, which constitute a real bond of Union — 
will again cast its benign and refreshing influences over our whole 
united country. 

A struggle like that in which we have been engaged is pecu- 
liarly painful in many of its aspects. It arrays against each other 
men who cannot forget that they are brethren, that their fathers 
stood side by side in the vindication of American rights and in 
securing our independence. Nor ought we to forget that those 
who, in a moment of excitement, have been arrayed against us, are 
still to be in the whole future, I trust, when this contest is ended, 
once more our brethren and our fellow-citizens. [Applavise.] I, 
therefore, concur with the last speaker, that the mass of the people 
in every section of the country, although they have been momen- 
tarily estranged from us, will return to their loyalty, and their 
hearts will be again animated by sentiments of affection and loyalty 
toward this Union. I trust that this will be so. Let it be pro- 
claimed everywhere that we are fighting not to destroy, but to pre- 



36 

serve. We light for the Constitution which was fashioned and 
perfected by Washington and his compatriots, and the Union 
which was formed by the wise and glorious men of the Revolution- 
ary age. We intend to preserve them for our posterity, and to 
lay an especial charge upon those who shall come after us, that 
they shall continue to defend and vindicate it against every enemy 
who shall assail it, either from without or within. And when this 
rebellion shall have been suppressed ; when they shall uncondi- 
tionally surrender, and lay down their arms, and return to their 
obedience, and once more discharge their duties as citizens of the 
Union, and take their place under the protecting folds of the Con- 
stitution, always excepting the head conspirators who have con- 
cocted and led on this movement — [applause] — when the leaders 
of the rebellion are punished or driven out, then I would hold out 
to all, the olive branch of peace and union, and fellowship, and 
revive that sentiment of fraternity which was one of the original 
objects and purposes of our Union to establish and foster. [Ap- 
plause.] 

We can make no terms with treason — no truce with rebellion. 
This republic is to be one and indivisible, now and forever. My 
faith has always been strong that it will be preserved undivided ; 
that no star is to be stricken out ; that an overruling and wise 
Providence never intended that we should become separate con- 
federacies, invading each other's rights, tormenting each other by 
perpetual hostilities, and presenting an example which would 
make us the disgust of the civilized world ; but that we should be 
forever united. It is not a war of opinion ; because in this sec- 
tion, in all the loyal region of the States, with here and there an 
occasional exception, I believe there is but one sentiment — the 
sentiment of loyalty and devotion to the Constitution under which 
we live, and the determination to maintain it at every and all 
hazards. 

We have glorious tidings from every direction, from the South 
and the Southwest. Our armies are victorious. But the greatest 
victory of all, in my estimation, is the manifestation of patriotism 
and loyalty by large numbers of people in that portion of the 
Southern States, especially in the Southwest, which has been 



37 

penetrated by our victorious army. We see there hundreds and 
thousands of people corning forward and hailing the old flag with 
irrepressible joy and delight. That this will be the sentiment of 
the mass of the Southern people, sooner or later, when the op- 
portunity is afforded them, I have never permitted myself to 
doubt. I have believed we would yet live together as a united 
family of freemen, and that it would soon be unnecessary, in any 
State or portion of the country, to hold the people in subjection 
by mere force of arms. So long as it is necessary, let it be done. 
Let ns sustain our Government in the most effectual manner. 
Let ns give our lives if necessary — for who would value his life 
without liberty ? — to sustain the Government, which, in its turn, 
protects every American in every quarter of the w^orld. 

Shall we permit other nations, friends of despotism and of old 
institutions, which ought, perhaps, long ago to have been effaced 
from the earth, to triumph in beholding us disunited, dissevered, 
weakened, shattered, broken into warring nations? No, gentle- 
men ; we will maintain that unity which Washington so wisely 
proclaimed as the essential element in our National strength and 
independence. We have seen that foreign powers have some of 
them manifested an eagerness to foment dissensions among us. I 
have never doubted that in their inmost hearts they desired to see 
us broken np into several weak, contemptible confederacies, in- 
stead of presenting a bold, united front. The old powers of the 
earth would be overjoyed beyond expression, if they could see 
the American flag torn asunder — if they could see us following in 
the wake of Mexico and the South American Eepublics, destroy- 
ing each other. 

But it is unnecessary for me to dwell upon the considerations 
which should lead us to preserve our national integrity. Where 
shall we find a more sublime spectacle in history than the uprising 
of our people to maintain their free Government ? There is no 
evil that does not bring with it some compensation, and the mani- 
festations of patriotism, courage, self-sacrifice, which have arisen 
from this crisis, are of themselves sufficient to compensate us for 
all the trials we have suffered. And when the conflict shall end, 
we shall be a more vigorous, and a more united nation, I trust, 



88 

than ever. Can any one doubt that the nations of the earth will 
look upon us with more respect, with more admiration, hereafter ; 
that they will more scrupulously regard our rights, and be more 
cautious in their demeanor toward us, when they see that upon 
the first sound of danger a million of freemen show themselves 
ready to stand forth at once to maintain the integrity of their 
Government, and that more millions are ready to follow them if 
necessary ? I can tell you, gentlemen, that no nation upon earth 
overlooks or disregards manifestations like these. 

I trust, however, that when these trials shall pass away, we 
may become a more harmonious nation than we were before. All 
history shows us that the exhibition of bravery and of courage, 
produces sentiments of high admiration and regard. When peace 
is once proclaimed, it becomes a real jDcace, founded upon senti- 
ments of mutual respect and friendship. I trust that such will be 
the condition of this country when we shall emerge from the un- 
natural strife which is now drawing to a close. It is my firm be- 
lief, my ardent hope, that the flag of the Union may be victori- 
ous ; that we may be a united country ; that our banner may still 
go forth the emblem of liberty and strength ; that our motto will 
ever be, "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and insepara- 
ble." [Applause.] 

The following letters were read : 

LETTER FROM THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 

War Department, ) 

Washington City, D. C, February l9tJi, 1862. J 

Sir: 

I am directed by the Secretary of War to inform you that his public duties 
render it impracticable for him to accept the invitation of the Union Defence 
Committee, to be present at a mass meeting of the citizens on the 22d inst., " to 
commemorate the Birth of Washington, and in honor of the recent brilliant 
successes of the Union forces." 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

P. H. WATSON, 

Asst. Secretary of War. 
Hon. Hamilton Fish, Chairman, ^c. 



Gent 



39 

HON. E. G. SPAULDING'S LETTER. 

Washington, Feb. 2lsf, 1862. 



Your favor, inviting me to bo present and address a mass meeting of the 
citizens of New- York, to commemorate the Birth of Washington, is received. 

My duties here compel me to forego the pleasure of being present on that 
interesting and important occasion. 

In our joy for the recent brtlUant success of the National Anns, we must not 
forget that we are fighting for our nationality and the great fundamental prin- 
ciples on which our Government rests. We have been forced into this war by 
uncontrollable ambition and treason of the darkest dye. We must press the war 
with increased vigor, till the authority of the Government is obeyed in all the 
States. We must have no half-way business in this great struggle for our 

national existence. 

Very truly, yours, 

E. G. SPAULDING. 

Hon. Prosper M. Wetmore, 

Secretary to Committee of Arrangements. 



HON. JOHN. B. STEELE'S LETTER. 

House op Representatives, 
Washington City, February 20th, 1862 



Prosper M. Wetmore, Esq., 

Sir : Please accept and communicate my thanks for the invitation of the 
Union Defence Committee, to participate with the citizens of New-York in com- 
memorating the birth of Washington, and the recent brilliant victories of the Union 
forces engaged in suppressing rebellion. 

Circumstances prevent my personal presence in New- York on that day. Allow 
me, however, to express my most hearty sympathy with the objects of the meeting. 

Your obedient servant, etc., 

JOHN B. STEELE. 



Mr. E. A. WiTTHAUS read tlie following letter : 

GOV. OLDEN'S LETTER. 

State op New-Jersey, Executive Department, ) 
Trenton, February 20th, 1862. j 

Prosper M. Wetmore, Esq., Secretary of Committee of Arrangements, Ifc: 

SiR : I have duly received your polite invitation to be present at a mass 
meeting of citizens, on the 22d inst., to commemorate the birth of Washington, 
and our national successes. , My official duties will oblige me to forego the 



40 

pleasure of heing present on that most interesting occasion. But permit me to 
express tlie sentiments I feel in the beautiful language of that " Greatest of good 
and best of great men," whose birthday you celebrate. In his message to Con- 
gress on the 14th of November, 1794, he said: "Let us unite in imploring the 
Supreme Ruler of nations to spread His holy protection over these United 
States ; to turn the machination of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitu- 
tution ; to enable us at all times to root out internal sedition, and put invasion 
to flight ; to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which His goodness has 
already conferred, and to verify the anticipation of this Government being a safe- 
guard to human right." 

I have the honor to be, with much respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

CHARLES S. OLDEN. 



Mr. WiTTHAUS also read the following, which was received with 
much applause : 

HON. ALFRED ELY'S LETTER. 

House of Representatives, ) 
Washington City, Feb. 21, 1862. | 

Hon. Messrs. Hamilton Fish, Chairman, Simeon Draper, Vice-Chairman, Wm. M. 
Evarts, Secretari/, and Prosper M. Wetmore, Committee of Arrangements : 

Gentlemen : I thank the Union Defence Committee of the Citizens of New- 
York, for their invitation to unite with them in commemorating the birth of 
Washington, and in rejoicing over the recent brilliant successes of the Union 
forces engaged in suppressing rebellion, and I regret that a pressure of official 
business, in addition to an extensive correspondence with the friends of those 
recently my fellow captives at Richmond, will prevent my being present. It 
would otherwise give me great pleasure to join in your contemplated celebration 
of the birthday of the Father of our Country, whose warning voice was raised 
against such sectional conflicts as the one now nearly ended, through the patriotic 
valor of our brave soldiers and sailors. Thanks to their heroism, it cannot be 
said that the sun of freedom, which Washington saw rise in hope, shall in our 
day, sink in gloom ; and we see with joy and pride that they have again planted 
the dear Old Flag in almost every State. I will not inflict upon you, gentlemen, 
a recital of the ardent desires for this glorious termination of the rebellion, which 
cheered the dreary hours passed by those of us who were forced, through the 
fortunes of war, to share the privations of prison life at Richmond. 

But even there we had pleasing evidence that in Old Virginia — the birth State 
of Washington — there are those who, in their hearts, are faithful in their allegiance 
to the United States. 



41 

Let us hope that before our next National holiday— the Fourth of July — they 
may also be delivered from the captivity of public opinion, now melting away 
before the bright steel of our troops, like the frost-work before the sunlight, and 
be able to rejoice with us at a rnstoration of fraternal feeling, obedience to laws, 
and respect for the Constitution. 

I am, gentlemen, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

ALFRED ELY- 



Mr. Wetmore read the folio wins; letters : 



GOV. MORGAN'S LETTER. 



ExEcuTivK Drpartment, 
Albany, Febmari/ 21st, 1862. 



ENT, ) 

2. \ 
Hon. Hamilton Fi.sli, Chairman, ^c: 

Sir : Deeply impressed with the importance of the occasion to which, by your 
partiality, I have been invited, and freely approving the objects for which the 
Union Defence Committee have requested a mass meeting of the citizens, at 
Cooper Institute to-morrow evening, I should gladly have availed myself of your 
invitation, and have participated in the proposed festivities, were I not prevented 
by my public duties. 

It is well to connect the anniversary of the birthday of Washington with the 
recent triumphs of the Federal forces witnessed in every encounter, and which 
have covered the " Old Flag " with imperishable glory. 

You will not, I am sure, forget that the Ninth and Fifty-first New- York 
Volunteers, the only regiments from this State, in the late engagements, were 
foremost among the brave at Roanoke Island, and that to the Ninth, it is the 
second time in the history of this short war, that distinguished honors have been 
won, by its intrepid gallantry and valor. 

New York has upwards of a half-dozen scores of regiments in the service ready 
for the contest, if contest it must be, that will do honor to themselves, their 
State and their country, whenever it is " proposed to move immediatehj upon your 
U'orksy Many of these regiments have won laurels already, and are now im- 
patient for another opportunity. New- York honors every portion of the grand 
army without regard to State lines, but her greetings are specially due to her 
sons, for their valor is her pride, and their heroism lives in the hearts of her 
grateful people. 

I am, with high regard, 

Your obedient servant, 

E. D. MORGAN. 
6 



42 

The letter from Governor Morgan was received with hearty 
cheers, as was also the following from the loyal spirited and warm- 
hearted Chief Magistrate of Rhode Island : 

GOV. SPRAGUE'S LETTER. 

State op Rhode Island, Executive Department,) 
Providence, February 20th, 1862. J 

Hon. Hamilton Fish, and other members of the Union Defence Committee : 

Gentlemen : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation 
for the 22d inst. I should be very glad to participate in the celebration which 
the citizens of New-York propose on this day, but I am happy to state, in de- 
clining the invitation which you have extended, that Rhode Island unanimously 
celebrates the day and the occasion. The victories which have excited the 
country, have stirred her, and I am proud to participate with the people of this 
State in the rejoicing which goes forth on this day, as it is an index of the senti- 
ments of the whole country. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Tour obedient servant, 

WM. SPRAGUE. 



HON. ELIJAH WARD'S LETTER. 

House of Representatives, 
Hon. Hamilton Fish, Clmirman, ^c. : 

Gentlemen : The unavoidable pressure of my present engagements compels 
me unwillingly to forego the pleasure of accepting your invitation to attend a 
mass meeting of the citizens of New-York, to commemorate the birth of Wash- 
ington and in honor of the great victories in defence of that Union to which his 
best and most earnest thoughts and desires were so warmly devoted. 

I have the honor to be, 

Your obedient servant, 

ELIJAH WARD. 



Letters were also announced from the following 

1. Governor William A. Buckingham, of Connecticut. 

2. Hon. Preston King, U. S. Senator. 

3. Hon. Z. Chandler, U. S. Senator. 

4. Hon. F. A. Conkijng, M. C. 

5. Hon. Edward Haight, M. C. 

6. Hon. Isaac C. Delaplaine, M. C. 

7. Professor Lieber, of Columbia College. 

8. Colonel Vinton, U. S. Anny. 



43 

SPEECH OF JOSEPH HOXIE. 

In listening to tlie letters which have just been read in your 
hearing, ladies and gentlemen, I perceive that they all tender 
thanks for the invitation to be here and to speak to yon. Now, I 
confess I am unlike them all, I do not thank anybody for calling 
upon me to attempt to speak on this occasion. It is an old adage 
that " from the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh." 
That adage has only age, I believe, to recommend it. At any rate, 
in my case, and here, it is not true. I know, if I know anything, 
that upon this day my heart is full ; but my mouth refuses to give 
utterance to the feelings of my heart. I did not know that I was 
expected to say a word upon this occasion ; and allow me to say that 
no man, however experienced as a public speaker, and however 
able, much less an individual like myself, should ever speak of 
"Washington" without the utmost preparation of heart and of 
mind. I know that name is familiar as household words. It has 
been in the mouths of children for years ; and by many it is 
supposed to be a very easy thing for anybody to speak of Wash- 
ington, for anybody to speak upon Washington's birthday. 

This reminds me of a minister who used to tell this story of 
one of his deacons. The deacon thought it was a very easy thing 
to be a minister, the easiest thing in the world ; and he did not see 
why a man should be paid such a salary for just getting up in the 
pulpit once or twice a week, while the others had to labor the 
whole six days of the week for less than the minister got for his 
sermons on Sunday. The clergyman told him if he thought it 
was so easy, he wished he would come up into the pulpit and try 
his hand. He did try it, and made out just about as well as I 
shall make out in attempting to speak to you ; and at the conclu. 
sion of his sermon, which was a very short one, he said, " I have 
always thought, brethren and sisters, that it was a very easy 
matter to preach, and now I wish if any of the rest of you are labor- 
ing under the same delusion, that you would j ust come up here 
and try it." [Laughter.] Now if anybody thinks it is an easy 
thing to speak of Washington, let him come up here and try it. 
[Renewed laughter.] We cannot compare him to any other man 
that ever was upon the face of the earth. The boon of Provi- 



44 

dence to this nation, and to the human race, he was a fit example 
for imitation in all after time. I to speak of Washington ! T 
am not worthy to take that name upon my lips. 

We have met not only to celebrate the anniversary of the birth of 
him who was " first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his 
countrymen,"' but, also, to thank God and take courage from the 
recent victories obtained by our army in battling for the support 
of the Constitution and the Union. [Applause.] Whose heart 
is not full ? Wlio cannot speak upon this saV>ject which fills the 
heart of every loyal man, and woman, and child in this country 
at this moment ? It seems to me that the dumb can speak ; 
and the language in which our friends of the West have been 
speaking to us lately, has been such as methinks would unstop 
the ears of the deaf 

Now, my friends, I frankly confess, while I am as thankful as 
any man can be for the result of our arms thus far, and while I have 
no word of complaint or of censure for any apparent delay — it is 
not for me to judge of that, I am not a military man nor a naval 
man ; I know nothing of the immense preparation necessary to 
move half a million of men in arms, or to create a ileet, man it, 
and fight the battles of the country with it, as has already been 
done ; and therefore, I am the last man to criticise the actions of 
those men to whom we have entrusted such vast responsibilities 
- — Ijut ought to be thankful for what has already been done, 
and hopeful for what is yet to be done — it seems to me that we 
are in more danger at this moment from a disgraceful compro- 
mise and a backing down, than we are from all the secession- 
ists, and rebels, and traitors in the Union. [Loud applause.] 
Already we hear it said, already we read it in some of our 
newspapers, already it appears in the communications of some 
of the correspondents of our papers from Washington, that 
now " we must not be vindictive ; these are all our brethren." 
Thank God, they are not my brethren. [Applause.] I own 
no relationship with them whatever ; and if the leaders of them 
could be picked out, and I could be present at their enter- 
tainment, as I was at that of Gordon yesterday, I would be willing 
then to give up. I should like no greater enjoyment than to see 



45 

about a dozen or twenty of these fellows strung up between the 
heavens and the earth, [loud applause,] without, for some time at 
any rate, having the power to reach either, [Laughter.] Still I am 
a man of peace, as quiet a citizen as ever you knew in your life. 
I never had courage enough to fight anybody, and I do not know 
that I ever should. But I am for peace upon the only terms 
which I hope my country will ever accept, upon the terms given 
to General Buckner at Fort Donelson, " immediate and uncondi- 
tional surrender. " [Great applause.] When the rebels and traitors 
are ready for that, I am willing to say, " give them peace," and 
not until then. 

It must have been a glorious sight to-night for you that had the 
privilege of being here earlier, to see that old veteran, General 
Scott, covered all over with scars received in fighting the battles 
of his country. [Applause.] I wish I could have seen him ; but 
I was engaged in attending another celebration. How it must 
have moved his honest, patriotic heart, when the cheers went up 
from this place ! I think we must try to induce friend Cooper 
to strengthen these arches a little. [Laughter.] It seems to me 
that they must have been raised by the cheers of the liberty- 
loving men and women whom I see before me. I know they 
touched the heart of that old veteran. 

I have heard, with more pain than I can express, some anxious, 
restless, go-ahead fellows, but as honest and good citizens as ever 
were in the world, complaining of Gen. Scott's want of activity ; 
and one of them even wrote to me a few days ago doubting his 
loyalty ! What do you think I did with that letter ? [" Burnt 
it."] Yes, I put it in the fire as quick as lightning, and I felt at 
the moment that I should like to put the writer of it in the same 
place. Doubt the patriotism of Gen. Scott ? Doubt that you live ; 
doubt that you have eyes, hands, or eare; but don't doubt the 
patriotism of Gen. Scott. That cannot be done. I only know of 
one thing the old General has ever done to render him amenable 
to the laws of the land. I believe he was upon one occasion 
charged with smuggling. I believe he brought into the country a 
certain quantity of lead without paying duties upon it, and that 
lead he carries in his precious body to this moment. For that I 



46 

suppose we shall forgive liim ; I feel very much inclined to do so 
myself. 

Now, fellow-citizens, having appeared before you, as I always 
do when you call upon me, let me say that my heart is full of 
thankfulness to God for having given us a Washington, a Con- 
stitution, and a Union, and for having, in these latter days, given 
us a McClellan, a Grant, [applause,] a Fremont, [enthusiastic and 
prolonged ap^^lause,] and other names which are to adorn the 
pages of our country's history in all future time. 

Mr. E. J. Brown called the attention of the meeting to the 
important disinterested services rendered by the Union Defence 
Committee, at a period when the existence of the Government was 
endangered. He thought that the influence exercised upon the 
public sentiment of the lo3^al States, by such an organization, 
comprising many of the most eminent and esteemed citizens of 
the commercial Metropolis, could scarcely be over-estimated. He 
regarded it as just and proper, that this Mass Meeting of citizens 
of New- York should make formal acknowledgment of the large 
debt of gratitude owing to that Committee, and he therefore offered 
for consideration, the following resolution : 

Resolved^ That the prompt, energetic, and efficient measures adopted by the 
Union Defence Committee, in co-operation with the munificent action of the 
City Government, at a critical juncture in the affairs of the country, call for the 
grateful acknowledgments of every loyal citizen of the United States, and this 
meeting directs its officers to make record of this resolution. 

The resolution being seconded, the question was taken by Mr. 
Brown, and declared to be carried unanimously. 

Three cheers were then given for the army and navy, three for 
the Union, and the meeting adjourned. 



